Reporting the Understory

A Fulbright Research Project About Independent Journalism in the Brazilian Amazon

Featured Pieces/Matérias em Destaque

Interview: Why Elaíze Farias believes journalists must not conform to injustice

December 6, 2024

Over a decade ago, journalists Elaíze Farias and Kátia Brasil had an idea: a new investigative journalism agency with true editorial independence that focused on human rights and marginalized communities in the Amazon Rainforest. Today, with several similar news agencies operating in the Amazon and the nonprofit journalism model taking hold around the world, such a concept may not seem so bold. But back then, there were few if any examples to follow – particularly in the Amazon, where journalism is almost exclusively funded by corporations and politicians who exert influence over coverage. Based in Manaus, the capital of Amazonas, Farias and Brasil launched their vision in 2013 under the brand Amazônia Real, publishing several in-depth investigations that helped them secure sustainable philanthropic funding. In recent years, other independent outlets in the Amazon have followed Farias and Brasil’s example, but Amazônia Real remains the leading source of combative reporting that holds power to account and exposes human rights abuses across the Amazon rainforest. It has published exclusive and transformative reporting on violence against indigenous peoples, illegal deforestation and land invasions, and corruption and wrongdoing by public officials. Its workshops, trainings, and internships have also helped launch the careers of many of the Amazon’s most successful human rights journalists today. Last month, I spoke with Farias for nearly two hours about the ideas, intentions, and strategies behind Amazônia Real and what she’s learned over the past 11 years. You can read a (significantly) abbreviated version of our conversation here. Note: This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity. You and Kátia Brasil were reporters for traditional publications before starting Amazônia Real. What sets Amazônia Real apart from these publications and how would you describe the type of work Amazônia Real does? We do journalism. For the sake of understanding, when people ask us, we usually say that we do socio-environmental journalism, or just independent and investigative journalism. Generally, because we are in the Amazon, people automatically associate us with environmental journalism, which is a very restrictive and confined description. That is not the case for us. We revised many Western and ethnocentric concepts, with colonial roots, that journalism reproduced. Our main goal is to talk about the same subject in a different way, listening to all those people who often were not heard at all about issues that affected them. The search to change the way we do journalism involves first decolonizing the way we produce and publish information that becomes news. It involves radical changes in the way we investigate. This makes a big difference. Corporate journalism, journalism that aims to generate profit, does not allow for this. At some point there will be a barrier. Because it is also interfering with the interests of another group, usually powerful economic groups, the interests of politicians. In fact, in all cities in the Amazon region, there are journalism initiatives that become hostages to the government, city hall, some politician. They are the ones who provide financing - you have to do this. And at Amazônia Real we brought freedom. We do not allow our financiers, who are usually philanthropic organizations, to interfere in our reporting. Many people discredit this type of journalism that seeks to center marginalized people by calling it “activism.” How do you see the difference between activism and your journalism, and do you think the division is necessary to maintain? I don’t like the word “activism” to explain the journalism we do. I’m not against those who do activism, on the contrary. But we deal with facts. We investigate and tell stories in our reporting. We listen to all sides, naturally. Although in our reporting the main characters, the subjects of our stories, are the social groups that are usually erased in the big agendas of the corporate media or that do not hold the economic power of the big interests that try to interfere in decision-making. With our journalism, we mobilize social groups, and it’s true, we mobilize citizens to generate change. But we do this with our work. When we hear of a fact, of a situation, we dig deeper to find out if it’s true. That’s why there is investigation, that’s why there is fact-checking, you dig deeper and show what’s going on. So that’s what journalism is. Many people try to belittle this journalism by saying that it is activism, as if this practice were also inferior. I am a journalist who likes to listen to and tell stories. We need to humanize and tell the version of those who do not appear in any official data, in any institutional record, often. That is why these people are often erased. I know of several stories like this, forgotten, as if they never existed. There are even cases in which official data, all those documents, tells lies and commits serious injustice. I am a journalist who will always not conform with injustice. Personally, and it could not be otherwise, I have social values ​​of defending human rights and democracy. And that could be called activism, although I prefer the word “militancy”, which has become very stigmatized in recent times. Many times, due to this position, my work merges with my professional trajectory. This is not a choice that I didn’t make all of a sudden. It is a long-standing one, since the time I was in college, or in social movements, and it has accompanied me throughout these long years of my career. I will not side [with] agribusiness or groups that attack human rights. Nor will I be a spokesperson for mining companies who are only looking for profit or for companies that present market solutions to pretend they are saving the planet, when in fact they are causing destruction and collapse. One of the biggest challenges that all media outlets face today, but especially independent media outlets, is maintaining an audience. Who reads Amazônia Real and how do you measure its impact? We want to be read by all audiences. We don't choose segments, as we are often asked. The Amazônia Real website receives millions of views per year. We would like to be read more in the Amazon. This is also our challenge. Sometimes we are read much more in São Paulo. But depending on the subject, our reports are widely read in the Amazon region. This leads me to several reflections. We need to realize that not all places in the Amazon have access to the internet. We have a brutal digital inequality. There are cities where access does not exist or works poorly. How will the population read our reporting? Regardless of barriers like this, our goal is to bring about change. What is this change? A regular reader who is reading about a story will understand what is happening. They will be better informed. Or a change in a decision-maker. Public institutions like the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office, for example, filing a legal action regarding the situation we revealed in our reporting. It could also be simple visibility, taking that group out of the silence. You arrive at an Indigenous land for the first time and the person says, 'look, this is the first time a reporting team has come here.' So I think there are several indicators, and the indicator cannot be measured only with metrics or other numerical engagements. You’ve emphasized that the funding of Amazônia Real does not affect its editorial independence. How is Amazônia Real funded and how does it protect itself from the influence of these funding sources? After a year [of existence], we began receiving funds from the Ford Foundation, which is our main source of funding to this day. I hope it continues, but we know it is an ongoing challenge to maintain sustainability because the demands are imense. Philanthropic funds come and go. We have partnered with large and small funding sources. The small ones are usually for specific coverage, such as elections, droughts, etc. And for specific periods. We give up many possibilities because we know that it makes no sense to receive funding, for example, from companies that are violating human and territorial rights of local populations. Or that are practicing greenwashing to captivate and deceive society using the media. Or from politicians or government agencies. If we accepted, we would be hostages to the pressure of those who finance us. We have never been influenced or interfered with by any of the institutions that support us. We are adamant about this position. And we are very transparent, so much so that all of our sources of funding appear on the Amazônia Real website. But we would like to vary our financial supporters. One practice that we would like to see work is donations from readers. Donations are not yet common in Brazil, but we hope that this will change. We have just started a financing campaign towards readers, asking for donations for coverage of COP30, to expand our reporting on the climate crisis and also to have resources so we can combat harassment and lawsuits. We also believe it is important to have resources to ensure the safety of our team during our reporting, especially high-risk reporting. We have created a safety protocol for reporters, which includes protecting them during their work. What tips do you have for interacting with sources, particularly indigenous groups and other marginalized communities who may not have much experience with the media? First of all, it is necessary to be genuinely committed to the population or social group you want to engage with. It is important to have allies in these communities, to gain their trust and to understand their ideas and language. You must always be transparent about your intentions, the objective of your reporting and what benefits can come from it. Don't go for vanity, likes or awards, and don't try to impose your planning and schedule without first hearing from the local populations. We must build relationships before attempting to make initial contact. We will not always be welcomed with open arms. To avoid being mistrusted, we must work on ongoing connection. We also need to learn how to work. That vision of the adventurous journalist, thinking he is exploring a “lost time of the past”, full of Western imagery, of arriving unannounced, does not work; it is outdated. And it is even disrespectful. Another thing is that we cannot enter and leave having heard from only one voice talking about that community or that subject that we are investigating. Let alone one official voice, or a Western voice, the ‘expert on that subject’. It is important to give space to sources that are often excluded in reporting, whether reporting in the field or remotely. One of the guidelines we always give to reporters: talk to women. Try to talk to women in that community. Don’t just include men. Have a critical eye, study, research, be humble and remember that we are always learning. We are not experts in anything. Avoid the common perceptions about the Amazon. Do you want to talk about the Amazon and its populations? Study the history of the region. Learn how it fits into Brazilian historiography. You will understand why the Amazon is a territory in permanent dispute and confirm that the colonizing model of the past is updated, with new practices of colonization, exploitation, conflicts and inequality. Looking back at the 11 years of Amazônia Real, what has changed? What are some moments that stand out for you? When Amazônia Real started in 2013, we already started our journalism project in a professional way. We opened a CNPJ, a micro-company – later we created an association. We did “drawer” reports, with more timeless approaches, we called columnists who were our allies. At the beginning we had voluntary support from a network of friends. We were just journalists, we came from newsrooms. We had no experience in entrepreneurship. We never intended to make a profit or become rich. This is not possible in the journalism we wanted to do. But we knew at that moment that we were doing something new, pioneering. We just didn't have much idea of ​​the scale of this new thing. Naturally, according to the journalistic principles we defined at that time, we did not have external financial resources. The first decision was not to receive public money. Everything we did was with our personal finances. We tried getting resources from advertising. We weren’t able to. Later, we obtained philanthropic financing, which is our main source of sustainability, but it is worth highlighting that even in this aspect we are also careful. I'm here summarizing this period of just over a decade. At that very early stage, in December 2013, we did some very remarkable work, Kátia and I, which was coverage of the attack of an entire population, practically, of a city called Humaitá, in the south of Amazonas, on the Tratarim indigenous people. The coverage of this case was prejudiced, which stigmatized indigenous people. It involved the suspected deaths of three non-Indigenous men. But no one listened to the Tratarim. So we listened, and that was a great moment in our coverage, which had significant repercussions. We did interviews over the phone, we called the village pay phone. Kátia and I spent Christmas and New Year’s 2013 working. In the following years, we covered a huge range of topics. Since the beginning, we have been reporting on mining in the Yanomami Indigenous Land. This has never been a new topic for us. Reporting on death threats to human rights defenders, isolated indigenous peoples, impacts of mining and agribusiness, deforestation, fires, gender-based violence, etc. The Covid-19 pandemic came and we had to make some changes to our planning and our schedule. We started writing articles almost daily. And, at a time when social groups such as indigenous people and quilombolas were completely erased in the media. It was intense coverage. The difference is that we couldn't leave the house, access to communities was closed, and part of our team had to dedicate themselves to care, because we lived in a city that was one of the global epicenters of the pandemic, which was Manaus. Over the years, we have held events, exhibitions, lectures, workshops for indigenous communicators, and encouraged other colleagues to create similar initiatives. We’ve received a lot of recognition, with awards and honors. Personally, I'm really happy when an indigenous person or a woman from a river community comes to me and says: “that reporting you did helped to show our struggle.” Amazônia Real turned 11 years old in October 2024. It's been 11 years showing that it is possible to take a stance in favor of erased, stigmatized or silenced Amazonian populations, and this also allowed us to break paradigms of colonial journalism. An immense longevity, which I could never have imagined.

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Com o meio ambiente sob ataque no Brasil, jornalistas na Amazônia buscam respostas

9 de julho de 2025

Enquanto assistia à audiência da Comissão de Infraestrutura do Senado no dia 27 de maio, Adison Ferreira, cofundador do veículo independente Carta Amazônia, ficou apavorado. A comissão havia convidado a ministra do Meio Ambiente, Marina Silva, para discutir novas zonas de conservação na Amazônia. Mas, em vez disso, parlamentares usaram a oportunidade para lançar uma série de ataques contra Silva, que há muito é uma das principais figuras do movimento de proteção ambiental no Brasil. Um senador disse a ela para “se pôr no seu lugar”, outro a acusou de “atrapalhar o desenvolvimento do país”, enquanto um terceiro a cumprimentou dizendo: “Não estou falando com uma mulher. Porque a mulher merece respeito, ministra não.” Após isso, a ministra exigiu um pedido de desculpas. Quando o senador se recusou, ela deixou a audiência. “Eu fiquei estarrecido por conta da violência política de gênero”, disse Ferreira. “Mas eu entendi aquele ataque muito além da ministra. O ataque era sobre essa pauta ambiental, sobre defensores ambientais”. Para Ferreira, o episódio simbolizou um momento na política e sociedade brasileira de um retrocesso extremamente agressivo contra o meio ambiente. Nos últimos meses, políticos brasileiros, com apoio de amplos setores do eleitorado, avançaram em uma série de projetos, leis e ações executivas que podem causar impactos desastrosos ao meio ambiente no Brasil, especialmente na Amazônia. Essas medidas — e o amplo apoio que receberam — deixaram os jornalistas ambientais na Amazônia, que por meio de suas reportagens tentam mostrar ao público os impactos catastróficos de projetos destrutivos como esses, lutando para manter a esperança. “A gente vive até no sentimento de angústia. É um sentimento realmente de desamparo, de ‘meu Deus, onde é que isso vai parar, onde é que essas coisas vão, como é que isso vai acabar?’” disse Catarina Barbosa, repórter do veículo independente Sumaúma. Recentemente, o governo brasileiro leiloou 19 blocos para perfuração de petróleo na Foz do Rio Amazonas, avançou com planos para pavimentar a BR-319 — uma rodovia controversa que atravessa uma das áreas mais preservadas da Amazônia — e recusou-se a derrubar o Marco Temporal, uma tese jurídica que afirma que povos indígenas só têm direito às terras que estavam sob sua posse em 1988, ano da Constituição brasileira. No entanto, o golpe mais devastador veio no início deste mês, com a aprovação no Senado de um projeto apelidado pelos ambientalistas de “PL da Devastação”. A medida desestrutura todo o sistema de licenciamento ambiental, permitindo que projetos como a BR-319 e a perfuração na Foz do Amazonas avancem sem estudos ambientais legítimos. Críticos consideram o projeto uma das ações mais catastróficas para o meio ambiente desde o fim da ditadura, mas o movimento ambientalista está tão enfraquecido politicamente que a medida foi aprovada com 54 votos a favor e apenas 13 contra. O Presidente Lula também se recusou a se opor à medida e já declarou apoio total à perfuração na Foz do Amazonas e à pavimentação da BR-319. O sucesso e a popularidade desses projetos refletem a crença disseminada no Brasil de que, para o país crescer economicamente e tirar pessoas da pobreza, é necessário explorar os recursos naturais e sacrificar áreas ambientais. “Eles relacionam essa pauta ambiental da esquerda com a pobreza, com os baixos índices de desenvolvimento social e econômico no Acre, na Amazônia”, disse Fábio Pontes, editor do Jornal Varadouro, veículo independente sediado no Acre. “A população é induzida a acreditar nisso, que sim, realmente Marina Silva é a grande culpada por deixar o Acre pobre, porque dizem que só o agronegócio é a melhor solução para o desenvolvimento”. O objetivo declarado de muitos veículos independentes que focam na Amazônia é desmascarar esse discurso que conecta exploração ambiental ao desenvolvimento e mostrar que o contínuo descaso com a proteção da Amazônia resultará em consequências catastróficas. Por exemplo, o veículo independente InfoAmazonia publicou recentemente uma investigação em várias partes sobre as consequências da perfuração de petróleo na Foz do Amazonas. Já a Sumaúma revelou bastidores da inação do governo Lula e seu apoio implícito ao PL da Devastação. E há meses, a Amazônia Real tem noticiado os impactos ambientais catastróficos da pavimentação da BR-319. Essas reportagens costumam ser reveladoras, ao expor as forças econômicas e políticas por trás de projetos ambientalmente destrutivos, medir as consequências ambientais negligenciadas e dar voz às comunidades mais afetadas. Mas o impacto tangível dessas reportagens no debate público é mais difícil de mensurar. “Eu comemoro as pequenas vitórias, às vezes uma reportagem que acaba resultando em um apoio ao Ministério Público Federal, ou alguma coisa que foi adiada na justiça. Enfim, a gente comemora porque, no geral, está bem complicado mesmo”, disse Barbosa. Esse tipo de jornalismo enfrenta um verdadeiro dilúvio de desinformação, espalhada pelas redes sociais e por inúmeros veículos financiados por políticos e empresas, promovendo promessas econômicas desses projetos e ignorando suas consequências ambientais e sociais. Esses meios conseguem atingir audiências muito maiores do que as da imprensa independente. “É um trabalho muito árduo, porque você está ali sozinho, praticamente remando contra a maré, muitas vezes sem apoio, enfrentando máquinas poderosas, como de parte dos políticos, do próprio agronegócio que também financia esse tipo de campanha, logicamente”, disse Pontes. Isso tem levado os jornalistas ambientais a buscarem formas de ampliar o impacto de seu trabalho. Barbosa, da Sumaúma, publicou recentemente uma análise profunda sobre o impacto socioambiental da planejada demolição do Pedral do Lourenço, uma formação rochosa no rio Tocantins, na Amazônia. O projeto, que permitiria a navegação de grandes embarcações de carga, foi elogiado por veículos comerciais, mas Barbosa mostrou como ele eliminaria populações locais de peixes e, com isso, o modo de vida de comunidades inteiras. Barbosa, uma jornalista experiente que já ganhou diversos prêmios de prestígio por seu trabalho, disse que frequentemente se vê lutando para aumentar o impacto de matérias como essa e alcançar pessoas que não consomem jornalismo de texto. “Como é que você vai fazer a indignação do Pedral do Lourenço chegar nessas pessoas, porque elas não vão ler a minha matéria. E tá tudo certo, ninguém tá dizendo que, ah, é que o fulano que lê a matéria longa é mais inteligente. Não é sobre isso. É sobre reconhecer os públicos e os públicos hoje são dessa forma”, disse Barbosa. Para essa matéria em particular, Barbosa enviou a reportagem para um tiktoker que publica sobre questões ambientais para mais de 100 mil seguidores, e ele produziu um vídeo sobre a história. “Não é fácil, e assim, não sabemos também o impacto que [o nosso jornalismo] está tendo”, disse Pontes. “Será que as pessoas vão mudar sua opinião em relação a isso? Não sei, mas a nossa tentativa é pelo menos desmascarar alguns discursos e sempre trabalhar com a verdade.” Diante das graves necessidades econômicas que levam muitos no Brasil a acreditar nesse discurso antiambiental, os jornalistas também precisam ter empatia para combatê-lo. “As pessoas na Amazônia estão preocupadas em pagar seus boletos. Elas estão preocupadas em ter a casa coberta pra não chover dentro. Elas estão preocupadas em ter comida na mesa”, disse Barbosa. “Se precisar derrubar a árvore para colocar comida na mesa, ele vai derrubar a árvore”, acrescentando que cabe ao governo incentivar ações sustentáveis em vez de projetos destrutivos. Jullie Pererira, repórter da InfoAmazonia, concorda. Pereira publicou recentemente uma reportagem sobre uma operação do Ibama que confiscou centenas de cabeças de gado de fazendas ilegais em uma reserva ambiental no Acre. Em sua apuração, Pereira entrevistou um dos proprietários das fazendas que, chorando, disse que não tinha outra forma de sustento. “O que eu tento fazer é deixar meu ouvido aberto de fato, sem julgar o outro”, disse Pereira. “E eu acho que isso é realmente o exercício de escuta. O repórter tem que saber escutar.” Mas ter empatia pelas pessoas que buscam oportunidades econômicas não significa que esses jornalistas não estejam indignados com os ataques que políticos poderosos e grandes empresas vêm fazendo contra o meio ambiente nas últimas semanas. “Eu sempre uso essa indignação”, disse Barbosa. “Eu acho que no jornalismo a gente é muito racional. Mas a gente não pode perder a capacidade de se emocionar.” Em vez de recuar diante do amplo apoio ao desenvolvimento em detrimento da preservação, os veículos de imprensa independentes da Amazônia têm redobrado sua missão de usar o jornalismo para defender a floresta e suas comunidades. “É o momento para a gente agir. Se a gente se acanha ou se conforma com o cenário, aí é que realmente não acontece nada”, disse Pereira. “Então, a mídia independente, eu estou vendo realmente motivada para cobrir esse tema.” “Acho que nós estamos aqui nessa linha de frente, nas trincheiras, nos varadouros, resistindo e fazendo o que está ao nosso alcance”, disse Pontes, do Varadouro. “Enquanto a gente tiver energia, a gente está aí.”

As Brazil takes aim at the environment, journalists in the Amazon search for answers

July 9, 2025

As he watched the May 27 hearing of the Brazilian Senate’s Infrastructure Commission, Adison Ferreira, co-founder of independent news outlet Carta Amazônia, grew terrified. The commission had invited the country’s environmental minister Marina Silva to discuss the creation of new conservation zones in the Amazon. But instead, congressmen used the opportunity to fire a stream of vicious and personal attacks at Silva, who has long been one of the figureheads of the environmental protection movement in Brazil. One senator told her to “put herself in her place,” another accused her of “hindering the country’s development,” while a third greeted her by saying: “I’m not talking to a woman. Because women deserve respect, but the minister does not.” After that, Silva demanded an apology. When the senator refused, she departed the hearing. “I was stunned by the political gender violence,” said Ferreira. “But I understood that attack as much more than just about the minister. The attack was about the environmental agenda as a whole, about defenders of the environment.” For Ferreira, the episode represented a moment in Brazilian politics and society of extremely aggressive and widespread pushback against the environment. In recent months, Brazilian politicians, supported by huge swaths of voters, have pushed forward a series of projects, laws and executive actions that would each have disastrous impacts on the environment in Brazil, and especially the Amazon. These measures and the widespread support they have received, have left environmental journalists in the Amazon, who, through their reporting, aim to show the public the catastrophic impacts of destructive projects like these, struggling to maintain hope. “We even live with a feeling of anguish. It’s really a feeling of helplessness, of ‘my God, where will this stop, where are these things going, how will this all end?’” said Catarina Barbosa, reporter for the independent outlet Sumaúma. Recently, the Brazilian government has auctioned off 19 parcels for oil drilling at the mouth of the Amazon River, pushed along plans to repave the BR-319, a controversial highway running through one of the most preserved sections of the Amazon, and refused to strike down the Marco Temporal, a legal thesis that claims Indigenous groups only have the right to territories that were in their possession in 1988, the year of Brazil’s constitution. However, the most devastating blow came earlier this month, with the passage in the Brazilian Senate of a bill that environmentalists have come to call the “Devastation Bill.” The measure would largely hollow out the entire system that governs environmental licensing, allowing projects, such as the BR-319 and oil drilling at the mouth of the Amazon, to be pushed through without legitimate environmental studies. Critics have called the bill one of the most environmentally catastrophic actions since the end of the Brazilian dictatorship in the 1980s, yet so weakened is the environmental movement in Brazilian politics that the measure passed with 54 votes in favor and only 13 in opposition. Brazil’s progressive president Lula has also refused to oppose the measure and has thrown his full support behind drilling at the mouth of the Amazon and repaving the BR-319. The success and popularity of these projects reflects the widespread belief in Brazilian society that in order for the country to advance as an economy and elevate its citizens out of poverty, it needs to exploit its natural resources and sacrifice its environmental areas. “They associate this environmental agenda of the left with poverty, with the low social and economic development indices in Acre, in the Amazon,” said Fábio Pontes, editor of Jornal Varadouro, an independent outlet based in the state of Acre. “The population is led to believe this, that yes, Marina Silva is really to blame for keeping Acre poor, because they say only agribusiness is the best solution for development.” The stated aim of many of the independent, nonprofit news outlets of the Amazon is to unmask this discourse that connects environmental exploitation to development and show that continued disregard for the Amazon’s protection will result in catastrophic consequences. For example, independent outlet InfoAmazonia recently published a multi-part investigation of the severe implications of oil drilling at the mouth of the Amazon. Meanwhile, Sumaúma went behind the scenes to report on the Lula government’s inaction and implicit support of the Devastation Bill. And for months, Amazônia Real has reported on the catastrophic and widespread environmental impacts of a paved BR-319. This kind of reporting is often revelatory, uncovering the economic and political forces behind environmentally destructive projects, measuring the unconsidered environmental ramifications and centering the perspectives of communities that will be most affected. But whether it has tangible impact on the debate over these projects is harder to tell. “I imagine celebrating the small victories—sometimes my reporting ends up resulting in support for [an environmental case in] the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office, or a project gets postponed in court. Anyway, we celebrate [these impacts] because, overall, things are really quite difficult,” Barbosa said. This kind of reporting is up against a deluge of misinformation promoting the economic promise of these projects and ignoring their environmental and social consequences spread through social media and by the numerous media outlets funded by politicians and corporations. These information sources are able to reach massive audiences, far larger than those of independent news outlets. “It’s very hard work because you’re practically alone, often rowing against the tide, many times without support, facing powerful machines, like politicians, agribusiness itself that also finances this kind of campaign, obviously,” said Pontes. That’s left environmental journalists searching for ways to amplify the impact of their work. Barbosa of Sumaúma recently published an in-depth examination of the socioenvironmental impact of the government’s planned demolition of the Pedral do Lourenço, a rock formation in the Amazon’s Tocantins River. The project, which would allow for cargo ships to traverse the river, has been openly praised by commercial news outlets, but Barbosa showed how it would eliminate local fish populations and therefore the way of life of the surrounding communities. Barbosa, an experienced journalist who has won several prestigious awards for her reporting, said she often struggles with how to increase the impact of articles like these and reach people who don’t get their news through print journalism. “How are you going to get the outrage about the Pedral do Lourenço to these people, because they won’t read my article. And that’s okay, no one is saying, ‘Oh, those who read long articles are smarter,’ it’s not about that, it’s about recognizing the audiences, and today audiences are like this,” Barbosa said. For this particular story, Barbosa sent the article to a TikToker who posts about environmental issues to his over 100,000 followers, who made a video about the story. “It’s not easy, and we also don’t know what impact [our journalism] is having,” said Pontes. “Will people change their opinion about this? I don’t know, but our objective is at least to expose some narratives and always work with the truth.” Given the severe economic necessities that lead many in Brazil to believe in this anti-environmental discourse, journalists also must have empathy in order to combat it. “People in the Amazon are worried about paying their bills. They are worried about having a roof over their heads so it doesn’t rain inside. They are worried about having food on the table,” said Barbosa. “If they need to cut down a tree to put food on the table, they will cut down the tree,” she said, adding that it is the role of the government to incentivize sustainable actions instead of destructive projects. Jullie Pererira, reporter for InfoAmazonia, agreed. Pereira recently published an article about an operation by Brazil’s environmental protection agency that confiscated hundreds of cattle from illegal farms in an environmental reserve in Acre. In her reporting, Pereira interviewed one of the owners of the farms, who, while crying, told her that he had no other way of making a living. “What I try to do is to truly keep my ear open, without judging the other person,” said Pereira. “And I think that is really the exercise of listening. The reporter has to know how to listen.” But having sympathy for the individuals who are searching for economic opportunities doesn’t mean these journalists aren’t outraged at the attacks powerful politicians and corporations have waged against the environment in recent weeks. “I always use that indignation. I never get used to a situation and I hope I never get used to it,” said Barbosa. “I think in journalism we are very rational. But we cannot lose the ability to be moved.” Rather than retreating in the face of widespread support for development at the expense of preservation, the independent news outlets in the Amazon have doubled down on their mission to use journalism to defend the Amazon and its communities. “It’s time for us to act. If we shrink back or resign ourselves to the scenario, then really nothing happens,” said Pereira. “So independent media I see really motivated to cover this theme.” “I think we are here on the front line, in the trenches, resisting and doing what we can,” said Pontes. “As long as we have energy, we’ll be here.”

Como (Alguns) Veículos Independentes na Amazônia Conseguem Pagar as Contas

10 de junho de 2025

Enquanto veículos de imprensa ao redor do mundo fecham as portas em meio à queda drástica das receitas, o número de veículos independentes na Amazônia está crescendo. Na última década, a região viu a criação de diversos novos veículos sem fins lucrativos dedicados a produzir reportagens sobre a Amazônia sem a influência de políticos e corporações. Mas, embora alguns poucos tenham se tornado organizações jornalísticas com equipes editoriais estáveis, a maioria desses novos veículos mal consegue juntar dinheiro suficiente para sobreviver.Os veículos que se tornaram financeiramente sustentáveis não o fizeram colocando suas reportagens atrás de paywalls, vendendo anúncios, solicitando doações de leitores ou, como fazem os maiores e mais tradicionais meios de comunicação do Brasil, recebendo recursos de governos e empresas em troca de cobertura positiva. Em vez disso, para investigar de maneira aprofundada e corajosa as ameaças à sobrevivência da Amazônia, os veículos independentes da região recorreram a uma fonte de financiamento há muito usada por organizações sem fins lucrativos de outros setores: as organizações filantrópicas internacionais.Foi batendo à porta de organizações com bolsos fundos, especialmente nos EUA ou na Europa, como a Fundação Ford e a Google News Initiative, que esses veículos da Amazônia conseguiram financiar suas reportagens locais aprofundadas sobre a região. Eles se beneficiaram do crescente interesse pela Amazônia entre ambientalistas norte-americanos e europeus, o que motivou ONGs a doar centenas de milhares de dólares para iniciativas de preservação na região — incluindo o jornalismo independente.No entanto, a importância dessa fonte de financiamento também criou um sistema de duas camadas dentro do jornalismo independente na Amazônia. As organizações que conseguiram captar recursos com sucesso geralmente foram fundadas por jornalistas conhecidos, com ampla rede de contatos internacionais e fluência em inglês. Enquanto isso, outros veículos independentes, muitas vezes fundados por jornalistas locais amazônidas que não têm o mesmo alcance internacional, dependem quase exclusivamente de trabalho voluntário e sobrevivem por meio da aplicação a editais pequenos e temporários que financiam projetos pontuais.“A crise do financiamento para o jornalismo é um efeito da nossa sociedade. Então, ela reproduz também, em alguma medida, a estrutura desigual que é colocada nesse país”, disse Daiene Mendes, diretora de programação do Fundo de Apoio ao Jornalismo, uma nova iniciativa para financiar o jornalismo independente no Brasil. “São poucas organizações que recebem a maior parte do recurso, e essas organizações geralmente têm um perfil específico, uma cor específica, uma voz específica, e uma fatia muito pequena dos recursos é compartilhada com todo o restante de numerosas iniciativas”.Sumaúma, talvez o veículo independente da Amazônia com mais jornalistas, foi fundado por Jonathan Watts, jornalista ambiental veterano do The Guardian, e Eliane Brum, natural do Rio Grande do Sul, que se tornou uma das mais reconhecidas repórteres sobre a Amazônia. “Tanto Jonathan quanto a Eliane, eles são jornalistas bem mais conhecidos internacionalmente", disse Verónica Goyzueta, jornalista que ajudou a fundar Sumaúma com Brum e Watts. “Então, eles já tinham bons contatos para conseguir um financiamento inicial”.Em apenas três anos, Sumaúma já arrecadou níveis significativos de financiamento, permitindo a contratação de pelo menos 15 pessoas para a equipe editorial e o financiamento de projetos de reportagem de grande porte. Hoje, o veículo tem até uma pessoa dedicada exclusivamente a identificar oportunidades de financiamento.“Esses processos são difíceis e não são acessíveis também a todas as organizações jornalísticas, porque tem algumas que são muito pequenas, tem algumas que têm dificuldades, por exemplo, de fazer pedidos porque não têm esses contatos que a gente tinha oportunidades de ter”, disse Goyzueta.Outros veículos independentes bem estabelecidos na Amazônia incluem a InfoAmazonia, que tem um orçamento anual de cerca de R$2 milhões, segundo o diretor executivo Stefano Wrobleski.A InfoAmazonia surgiu como um projeto de O Eco, um site ambiental reconhecido no Brasil, antes de se tornar um veículo próprio. “Então a gente já tinha esse lugar e já tinha contatos também. Isso facilitou bastante as coisas”, afirmou Wrobleski.Mas mesmo para os veículos com conexões internacionais, o apoio das ONGs não chega a eliminar os desafios financeiros. Por exemplo, a InfoAmazonia, apesar de receber apoio consistente de várias organizações diferentes, conta com apenas dois repórteres permanentes. Ainda assim, o apoio das ONGs proporciona uma estabilidade que falta a outros veículos independentes da Amazônia. Enquanto a InfoAmazonia e Sumaúma têm fontes de financiamento de longo prazo, muitos veículos menores dependem de editais pontuais que financiam projetos de reportagem específicos.Esses financiamentos temporários, geralmente oferecidos por associações jornalísticas, cobrem os custos para que um jornalista viaje e realize uma reportagem específica. Normalmente valem cerca de US$1.500 (R$8300), valor que sobra pouco após os gastos com viagem — especialmente na Amazônia, onde os custos de deslocamento e de segurança são altíssimos.“Pra você fazer uma boa pauta na Amazônia e pra você ir a campo, para uma comunidade, hoje um valor mínimo de teu salário, de um fotógrafo e mais o deslocamento, vai ser entre R$10.000 e R$15.000 no mínimo”, disse Fábio Pontes, editor do Jornal Varadouro, um pequeno veículo independente com sede no Acre.Além disso, como esses financiamentos são temporários, os veículos que dependem deles precisam estar constantemente buscando novos editais para se inscrever.“Você tem que apresentar uma proposta, vender a pauta. Muitas vezes tem que fazer para organizações fora do Brasil, então tem que fazer em inglês, e muitas vezes é muito burocrático receber dinheiro de fora do Brasil”, disse Pontes. “É muito cansativo, é muito desgastante. Só faz mesmo porque precisa às vezes, porque não tem outra opção”.Pontes trabalha no Varadouro quase exclusivamente sem remuneração, fazendo freelas para se sustentar. Para tornar o Varadouro financeiramente sustentável e conseguir pagar uma equipe fixa de repórteres, ele estima que precisaria de um orçamento de cerca de R$250 mil por ano.Fred Santana, fundador do Vocativo, um pequeno veículo independente de Manaus, enfrenta os mesmos desafios. Ele disse que geralmente consegue cerca de um financiamento temporário por ano, que cobre o custo de um projeto específico de reportagem. Fora isso, o site praticamente não recebe recursos. Santana disse que passa cerca de seis horas por dia trabalhando no site.“Se nada mudar nos próximos meses, eu vou começar a procurar outro emprego fixo, manter o site apenas para voltar a fazê-lo como uma atividade paralela, quando for possível”, disse Santana.O Correio do Lavrado, veículo independente com sede em Boa Vista, sofre da mesma instabilidade, segundo a editora Vanessa Vieira. “A gente tem esses financiamentos muito pontuais para produzir um determinado produto. É uma coisa muito de curto prazo, de quatro meses, seis meses”, disse Vieira. “Pensando numa saúde física, uma saúde mental, de qualidade de vida, é muito complicado, porque já teve momentos assim que eu não sabia como eu ia pagar as contas do próximo mês”.Neste ano, alguns dos principais financiadores do jornalismo independente no Brasil se uniram para formar o Fundo de Apoio ao Jornalismo, com o objetivo de oferecer a mais veículos independentes o acesso à estabilidade financeira. O fundo, apoiado pela Fundação Ford, o Fundo Internacional para Mídia de Interesse Público, Luminate, Oak Foundation e Open Society Foundations, selecionará 15 veículos jornalísticos no Brasil para receber apoio anual entre R$75.000 e R$150.000 durante três anos. A intenção, segundo Mendes, diretora de programação do fundo, é descentralizar o financiamento ao jornalismo independente. O fundo dará prioridade a veículos localizados em desertos de notícias e liderados por pessoas de comunidades marginalizadas.O financiamento transformará imediatamente os veículos que o receberem, e Mendes disse esperar que algum veículo da Amazônia seja escolhido. Mesmo assim, há muito mais de 15 veículos independentes precisando de financiamento no Brasil. “Eu acho que o fundo não é e nem deve ser a única forma de distribuir recursos para as iniciativas. Têm que existir vários outros fundos, várias outras iniciativas”, disse Mendes.Para os veículos que não forem selecionados, há poucas opções. Campanhas que pedem doações de leitores têm pouco sucesso, afirmou Pontes, e, embora o site do Varadouro tenha espaço reservado para publicidade, até agora nenhuma empresa entrou em contato para anunciar.“Eu estou aqui no meu ponto de estar mentalmente exausto, muito cansado”, disse Pontes. “Muitas vezes a gente está sem esperança, porque quando a gente olha ao nosso redor, a gente não tem recursos, então muitas vezes bate o desânimo. Às vezes vem aquela vontade de desistir, porque você não vê retorno do seu trabalho voltando pra você”.Goyzueta, uma das fundadoras de Sumaúma, sabe que o apoio financeiro que o veículo recebe nem sempre é uma realidade acessível. “Realmente as pessoas são muito esforçadas, querem muito fazer jornalismo, mas não é fácil para todos”, disse.

How (Some) Independent News Outlets in the Amazon Manage to Pay the Bills

June 10, 2025

As news outlets across the world close amid plummeting revenues, the number of independent news outlets in the Amazon is growing. Over the last decade, the region has seen the creation and expansion of several new, nonprofit outlets dedicated to producing reporting on the Amazon without the influence of politicians and corporations. Still while a handful have become thriving news organizations with stable editorial staffs, most of these new outlets barely scrape together enough money to survive.The outlets that have become financially sustainable have done so not by putting their reporting behind paywalls, selling advertisements, soliciting donations from readers, or, as the largest and most traditional news outlets in Brazil do, receiving funds from governments and corporations in exchange for positive coverage. Instead, in order to investigate the threats to the Amazon’s survival thoroughly and unabashedly, the independent news outlets of the Amazon have turned to a funding source non-profits in other sectors have long relied upon: international charitable organizations. It is by knocking on the door of deep-pocketed NGOs in the U.S. or Europe, such as Ford Foundation and Google News Initiative, that these news outlets in the Amazon have been able to fund their in-depth local reporting. They have benefited from the soaring interest in the Amazon among North American and European environmentalists, which has motivated NGOs to donate hundreds of thousands of dollars to preservation initiatives in the region, including independent journalism.However, reliance on this source of funding has also created a two-tiered system within independent journalism in the Amazon. The news organizations that have successfully raised money are often those founded by well-known journalists, who have extensive international contacts and speak fluent English. Meanwhile, other independent outlets, often founded by local Amazonian journalists who don’t have the same international reach, rely almost exclusively on volunteer work and survive by applying to small, temporary grants that fund one-off projects.“The crisis in journalism funding is an effect of our society. So it also reproduces, to some extent, the unequal structure that exists in this country,” said Daiene Mendes, programming director of the Journalism Support Fund, a new initiative to fund independent journalism in Brazil. “Few organizations receive the majority of the resources, and those organizations generally have a specific profile, a specific color, a specific voice, and a very small share of the resources is shared with the rest of the numerous initiatives.”Sumaúma, perhaps the largest independent news organization in the Amazon, was founded by Jonathan Watts, a long-time environmental journalist at The Guardian, and Eliane Brum, originally from Southern Brazil, who has become one of the most well-known reporters on the Amazon region. “Both Jonathan and Eliane are much more well-known internationally as journalists,” said Verónica Goyzueta, a journalist who helped found Sumaúma with Brum and Watts. “So they already had good contacts to secure initial funding.”In just three years, Sumaúma has already raised significant levels of funding, allowing them to employ at least 15 editorial staff members and fund expansive reporting projects. It now employs someone solely focused on applying to funding opportunities.“These processes are difficult and not accessible to all journalistic organizations, because some are very small, some have difficulties, for example, requesting funding because they don’t have the contacts that we had the opportunity to have,” Goyzueta said.Other well-established independent news outlets in the Amazon include InfoAmazonia, which has an annual budget of around R$2 million (about US$350,000), according to Executive Director Stefano Wrobleski.InfoAmazonia emerged as a project by O Eco, a well-known environmental reporting site in Brazil, before becoming its own outlet. “So we already had that space and we also had contacts. That made things a lot easier,” Wrobleski said.But even for the most well-connected news outlets, support from NGOs doesn’t come close to eliminating financial constraints. For example, InfoAmazonia, despite receiving consistent support from several different organizations, has only two full-time reporters. But NGO-backing does provide stability that other independent outlets in the Amazon lack. While InfoAmazonia and Sumaúma have long-term funding sources, many smaller publications rely on one-off grants that fund individual reporting projects.These temporary grants, which often are offered by journalism associations, provide funding for a journalist to travel to report on a particular story. Usually worth around US$1500, these grants leave little left over after travel expenses, especially in the Amazon, where travel and safety measures are enormously expensive.“To do a good story in the Amazon and to go out into the field, to a community, today the minimum cost of your salary, a photographer’s, and travel expenses will be between R$10,000 and R$15,000 (US$1800 to US$2700) at the very least,” said Fabio Pontes, editor of Jornal Varadouro, a small, independent outlet based in Acre.Additionally, since these grants are temporary, the news outlets that rely on them must constantly search for new grants to apply to.“You have to submit a proposal, pitch the story. Often it has to be done for organizations outside Brazil, so you have to do it in English. Many times it’s very bureaucratic to receive money from outside Brazil,” Pontes said. “It’s very tiring, very draining. You only really do it because sometimes you have to, because you have no other option.”Pontes works on Varadouro almost exclusively without payment, freelancing as a writer on the side in order to get by. To make Varadouro financially sustainable and be able to pay a fixed team of reporters, he would need a budget of about R$250,000 (US$45,000) per year, he estimates.Fred Santana, the founder of Vocativo, a small independent outlet in Manaus has the same challenges. He said he often receives about one temporary grant per year that covers the cost of one specific reporting project. Beyond that, the site receives almost no funding. Santana said he spends about six hours per day working on the website. “If nothing changes in the next few months, I’ll start looking for a steady job and just keep the site going as a side activity, whenever possible,” Santana said.Correio do Lavrado, an independent news outlet based in Boa Vista, suffers from similar instability, said editor Vanessa Vieira. “We get one-time funding to produce a specific product. It’s something very short-term, like four months, six months,” Vieira said. “Thinking about physical health, mental health, quality of life—it’s very complicated because there have been times when I didn’t know how I was going to pay next month’s bills.”This year, some of the leading financiers of independent journalism in Brazil have united to form the Journalism Support Fund, intending to provide more independent news outlets access to financial stability. The fund, which is backed by Ford Foundation, the International Fund for Public Interest Media, Luminate, Oak Foundation, and Open Society Foundations, will select 15 news organizations across Brazil to support with annual funding between R$75,000 to R$150,000 (US$13,500 to US$27,000) for three years. The intention, according to Mendes, the initiative’s programming director, is to decentralize funding for independent journalism. The fund will prioritize outlets that are located in news deserts and that are led by people from marginalized communities.The funding will immediately transform the news outlets that receive it, and Mendes said she hopes an outlet from the Amazon will be selected. Even so, there are far more than 15 independent news outlets in need of funding across from Brazil. “I don’t think the fund is or should be the only way to distribute resources to these initiatives. There have to be several other funds, several other initiatives,” Mendes said.For the outlets that are not selected, there are few other options. Campaigns soliciting donations from readers are largely unsuccessful, Pontes said, and while Varadouro’s website has designated advertisement space, for now, no business has reached out to place an ad.“I’m at the point of being mentally exhausted, very tired,” Pontes said. “Many times we feel hopeless, because when we look around, we have no resources, so discouragement often hits. Sometimes there’s that desire to give up, because you don’t see the return of your work coming back to you.”Goyzueta, one of the founders of Sumaúma, knows the financial support her outlet receives isn’t always attainable. “People really work hard and really want to do journalism, but it’s not easy for everyone,” she said.

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About the Project/Sobre o Projeto

About the Project/Sobre o Projeto

In the fight over the fate of the Amazon Rainforest, journalists have taken a side, arming themselves with the most powerful tool at their disposal: rigorous and accurate reporting. This website will examine the wave of independent and environmental news outlets that have arisen in the Amazon over the last decade, showing the strategies they use, the topics they cover and the impact they have.

Na luta pelo destino da Floresta Amazônica, os jornalistas tomaram partido, armando-se com a ferramenta mais poderosa à sua disposição: reportagens rigorosas e precisas. Este site examinará a onda de jornais independentes e socioambientais que surgiram na Amazônia na última década, mostrando as estratégias que eles usam, os tópicos que cobrem e o impacto que têm.

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